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Notes on the Transnational Neoconservative
Offensive, and Brazilian participation in the “Intolerance Network”
Apontamentos sobre a
Ofensiva Neoconservadora Transnacional e a participação brasileira na Rede da
Intolerância
Marlene Teixeira Rodrigues*
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https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6983-6549
Abstract: This
article addresses the neoconservative offensive driven by transnational links
between Far-Right organisations, with emphasis on how their agenda materialised
in social policies and the centrality placed on the family. From documentary
research, we observed the importance of transnational links – with an emphasis
on the transatlantic Political Network for Values (PNfV) – and their
repercussions on the national agenda and initiatives implemented in Brazil.
Under the Bolsonaro government, with the justification of acting in defence
of life from conception, and of fundamental freedoms of
conscience and religion and the so-called natural family, and the
rights attributed to it, experiences were shared and spread across government
actions, in social policy and in various aspects of national life. An important
aim of this offensive was the dismantling of public social policies and rights
- especially the sexual and reproductive rights of women and LGBTQIA+ people,
within the scope of the war against gender ideology and state interventionism
- and the deepening of the neoliberal agenda.
Keywords: Neoconservative offensive. New Right. Political Network for
Values. Bolsonaro government.
Submitted on: 24/7/2023. Revised on:
12/10/2023. Accepted on: 7/3/2024.
INTRODUCTION
The reorganisation of conservative and radicalised
right-wing groups, which spread across the world at the beginning of the 21st
century – and which took dramatic form in Brazil under the Bolsonaro Government
– has mobilised intellectuals, and been addressed in various studies.[1]
This process, which involves a crusade against the welfare
state and any rights seen as manufactured, is linked with objectives and
dynamics which refer to the sphere of political economy (Almeida, 2020; Chade
and Trevisan, 2021; Finguerut, 2008; Galego, 2020; Ramírez, 2021; Pereira,
2020a; 2020b; Teixeira, 2021a; 2021b).
The theme of this article is the recent neoconservative
offensive. The article interprets this process, both theoretically and
politically, based on the socio-historical determinations of our social
formation, which are anchored in the dynamics of dependent capitalism, the
heteropatriarchal system, and ethno-racial inequalities, all in the context of
deepening crisis.
With this analytical goal, and in the light of
critical social theory and studies of gender and sexualities, the research from
which this article unfolds is focused on the theme of the neoconservative
offensive. It analyses the strategies adopted by the New Right through one
of its organisations, the Political Network for Values (PNfV), which stands out
for the significant role it has been playing, both internationally and in
Brazil since the Bolsonaro Government.
Taking an historical-dialectic and feminist
perspective, the investigation is qualitative, placing the analysis of the PNfV
within a complex, contradictory and
multidetermined totality, whose dynamics and meaning are associated with the
broadest processes of the contemporary reproduction and crisis of capital, in
which the so-called New Right emerged (Almeida, 2020; Chade; Trevisan, 2021;
Corrêa, 2021a; 2021b; Ramirez, 2020; Pereira, 2020a; 2020b; Teixeira , 2021a;
2021b).
Based in Europe[2], the Political Network for Values, known by WikiLeaks[3]
as the Intolerance Network, was founded just over two decades ago. The
ultra-rightist network brings together politicians and organisations – religious
and secular – from around the world. With regular activities, covering
different nations, themes, and political subjects, the PNfV has been fulfilling
a strategic role in the international organisation of the New Right. The
analysis allows us to understand its modus operandi, particularly regarding the
design of its actions in the transnational sphere (Political Network for
Values, 2023a; Teixeira; 2021; Teixeira; Nunes; Oliveira, 2021; WikiLeaks,
2021).
Bibliographic and documentary research was employed,
analysing, in the case of the latter, material made available by the PNfV itself
on its Internet portal and its YouTube channel (Political Network for Values,
2023a; 2023b)[4]. Before turning our attention to the PNfV, let us first examine the
context in which the New Right emerged and in which the neoconservative offensive
gained momentum, and the dynamics that materialised through diverse
organisations and strategies, at global and local levels, as evidenced by the
Network of Intolerance.
THE
NEOCONSERVATIVE OFFENSIVE AND EMERGENCE OF THE NEW RIGHT
Authors including Almeida (2020), Corrêa and Kalil
(2020), Pereira (2020a; 2020b), and Ramírez (2020), date the emergence of the
New Right dates to the 1970s. They view it as a reaction to the welfare state,
considered, by supporters of neoliberalism and conservatism, as the origin of
the economic problems faced at the time.
The interventionist character of the welfare state is,
according to this viewpoint, the origin of the crisis. Applying the same logic,
ultra-right organisations advocate a return of traditional values and the
prevalence of what they term, the natural differences between
individuals. This triggered a true crusade against rights.
From this perspective, they consider it as, above all,
“[...] a moral crisis, caused by the abandonment of the traditional values that
have governed society since the beginnings of civilization, carried out in the
name of an egalitarianism artificially created by state intervention” (Almeida,
2020; E-book Position 381). So, unlike classical conservatism, New Right neoconservatism
is distinguished by its intrinsic link with neoliberalism.
Pereira (2020b) highlights that, despite its plurality
and heterogeneity, this New Right has clear precepts related to the defence of
traditional values (especially the patriarchal family) and the fight against
the welfare state and public spending. In this context, Pereira (2020a) continues,
Neoliberalism
constitutes the most recent phase of capitalism which, from crisis to crisis,
ended up facilitating, at the end of the 1970s, the triumphant rise of this
liberal suborder as one of the consequences of the structural crisis of capital
made explicit at that time. [...] and its mixing with what seemed to be its
opposite – neoconservatism – became so ingrained that it resulted in the organic
fusion of both, which received another name – ‘New Right’ – representative
of their common and teleological nature (neoliberalism and neoconservatism)
(Pereira, 2020b, not paginated, our emphasis).
The inability of “classic neoliberal discourse” to
provide the necessary ideological support for the current stage of the
capitalist economy and its “brutal political practices of extermination and
lowering of living conditions” is key to the turn to neoconservatism, observes
Almeida (2020, E-book Position 451). Finguerut highlights (2008, p. 20),
in dialogue with the American neoconservative theorist Irving Kristol, that this
is why the banners of the New Right include “a stronger state, but with fewer
taxes”; a foreign policy of defending patriotism and rejecting “a world
government”, which would result in “generalised tyranny”; and the adoption of
an internal policy based on “[...] distinguishing friends from enemies”. Sexual
wars and the spread of moral panic take centre stage in this
context, as highlighted by Gayle Rubin (1989).
Contemporary conflicts over sexual values and erotic behaviour have much
in common with the religious conflicts of past centuries. They acquire immense
symbolic weight. Discussions about sexual behaviour are often a means of
avoiding social concerns and discharging the social tensions that accompany
them. Therefore, sexuality should be treated with special care in times of
great social stress. It is precisely in times like these, when we live under
the threat of unimaginable destruction, that people become dangerously maddened
by sexuality (Rubi, 1989, p. 113-114, our translation).
More recently, the use of social media and the
adoption of typical social media language have proven to be central elements of
the New Right’s communication strategy and its wars. It is about
spreading fear and hatred against everyone identified as enemies
(Corrêa, 2021a; Galego, 2020; Ramirez, 2020). In this scenario, the meme-ification
of life and politics, through social networks, shows itself to be strategic and
central to the “trivialisation of hate,” as highlighted by Solano (2018):
Hate
speech is presented, on most occasions, as a meme, an irreverent phrase, a joke
that people do not understand as something aggressive, violent, and to be
rejected. Quite the contrary, it is exaggeration and hysteria from the groups
that claim to be attacked. The trivialisation of hate. Where many of us see
hate speech, they simply see a politically incorrect, crude, folksy way of
saying things (Solano, 2018, p. 20).
For Corrêa (2021a, p. 136-ss), gender ideology
emerges at this juncture, and fulfils an important function as a ghost.
A kind of scarecrow, continuously evoked as threatening, and endangering
the family, Christian thought, and humanity itself. It thus constitutes the
main justification for sexual wars and anti-gender offensives, whose main
targets are the sexual and reproductive rights of women and lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, queer, intersex, and asexual (LGBTQIA+) people.
These anti-gender crusades highlighted by
Corrêa (2021a), have gained centrality in New Right rhetoric by aligning
themselves with the concepts of religious ultraconservatives as, what they call,
fabricated rights (See Teixeira’s analysis, 2021a). In the words of
Ramirez (2020),
[...]
this is not its only or main objective. The main political aim shared by the
various neoconservative religious and neoliberal groups that use the rhetoric
of “gender ideology” is to control the state and its institutions through the
very electoral mechanisms of formal democracy and, once established within it,
impose its own social and economic vision (Ramirez, 2020, p. 11, our emphasis).
Based on this same imperative, the defence of policies
for families is strategic. Elevated to the status of the main alternative for
combating gender ideology, the defence of the so-called natural
family is also linked to a lack of state responsibility; the privatisation
of social protection; the strengthening of heteropatriarchalism; and the
delegitimisation and erosion of public spaces and participation.
The imperatives of the capitalist order are,
therefore, the basis of the sexual wars and the processes of de-democratisation.
According to Christian Laval and Pierre Dardot (2016), neoliberal logic – this new
world reason that we must take into consideration – demands actions that negate
any possibility of the economic order being interfered with by democratic
decisions or those originating from the majority.
The move toward conservatism and the rise of the New
Right in Brazil are often associated with the coup against Dilma Roussef and
Jair Bolsonaro’s election in 2018[5]. Its roots are, however, associated with the deepening of the
capitalist crisis, and date back to the 1980s. A period marked, internally, by
political openness and disputes fought by conservative and progressive sectors
within the normal constitutional process (Corrêa, 2021a; Teixeira, 2021a; Teixeira;
Nunes; Oliveira, 2021). The conservative trend had been developing, as Corrêa
(2021a) points out, gradually and for a long time, gaining renewed momentum in
the 21st century.
Following the defeat of Trump and the election of
Biden in the United States of America, and strengthened by Bolsonaro’s
election, the “Brazuca” New Right and Brazil’s global position gained
importance within international connections, making the country one of its main
spokespeople. Corrêa and Pazello, (2022, p. 11) observed that, since
Bolsonaro’s election Brazil “[...] has become a connecting node of these many
currents, whether with regard to connections with North American right-wing personalities
and groups, or with regard to European state actors [...]”, (Chade; Trevisan,
2021; Corrêa; Pazello, 2022; Political Network for Values, 2023a; Ramirez,
2020; Teixeira, 2021b).
The following analysis of the PNfV and its links takes
this context into account, and seeks to identify its agenda, its strategies and
the links developed, as well as the Brazil’s insertion into this dynamic. We
will identify the configuration of these links, and from there demarcate the
New Right’s neoconservative offensive under Bolsonaro, and how this
affected the national dynamic.
THE INTOLERANCE NETWORK – NOTES ON THE TRANSNATIONAL NEOCONSERVATIVE
OFFENSIVE AND ITS REPERCUSSIONS IN BRAZIL
The actions of the PNfV
gained prominence in 2021 following the publication, by WikiLeaks, of a dossier in which they denounced both the
organisation of an international “transatlantic” “ultra-right” network, and its
central guideline: the promotion of its “values” – “anti-abortion, anti-gender,
against sexual education and in favour of the family – that is, pro-life, pro-family
and pro-Christian”, as set out in an article in the Mexican magazine
Contralínea[6]
(Ramírez, 2021, not
paginated).
Named the Intolerance
Network, the WikiLeaks statement exposed seventeen thousand internal
documents from the Spanish ultra-Catholic organisations HazteOír and CitizenGo,
covering the period 2001 to 2017, which, among other topics, detailed the
process of forming the PNfV, and its raison d’être. When summarising its
findings regarding the constitution of the Intolerance Network, the
document highlights:
[...]
its ultimate goal is to raise large funds and influence policy at the highest
level. [...] Both HazteOír and CitizenGo conduct their campaigns and other
work under the guise of family values, but it is clear from the set of
documents that their values are rooted in an extremely ultra-conservative
Christian context (WikiLeaks, 2021, our emphasis).
Analysis of the material also identified donors and
members of these entities, and the strategies and planning for PNfV actions.
The complaints regarding the Intolerance Network did not have many
repercussions in Brazil. They did, however, trigger a scandal in Spain at the
time, exposing nationally prominent people and groups[7]
(Ferrero, 2021; Ramírez, 2021; WikiLeaks, 2021).
In addition to the ultra-Catholic organisations
mentioned, other ultra-right groupings – European, American and Latin American
– operating in the sphere of civil society and parliaments, were identified in
the dossier, and appear prominently in PNfV events (Ferrero, 2021; Political
Network for Values , 2020d; 2021c; 2022; 2023a; WikiLeaks, 2021).
WikiLeaks pointed out that the defence of the family –
specifically the natural family – and the protection of human life (from
conception) are the pillars that serve as a foundation for the gathering of
ultra-right organisations from various countries[8], in the formation and structuring of the PNfV. Around this agenda, they
make substantial financial contributions and fulfil a strategic role,
mobilising resources of all kinds to make the Network’s actions viable and
provide public endorsement[9]
(Political Network for Values, 2020a; Ramírez, 2021;
WikiLeaks, 2021).
It is worth noting that it is the Intolerance
Network’s internet presence that allowed us to analyse its activities. This
increased in intensity and gained centrality from 2020 onwards, in the context
of the Covid-19 pandemic, becoming, thereafter, one of the central strategies
for developing the Network’s actions.
Although only placed under the spotlight by WikiLeaks
in 2021, the emergence of the PNfV took place more than a decade earlier, and
its first public activity was held in 2014, at the headquarters of the United
Nations, in New York[10]
(Political Network for Values, 2020b; 2020c). The holding of
this event, during the activities of the United Nations, and in its facilities,
proved to be a characteristic of the PNfV’s activities, and aligns with one of
its main objectives: to focus on the glocal (global and local) scope, paying
special attention to multilateral organisations and in national bodies of power
(executive, legislative and judicial).
The PNfV held its 1st Transatlantic Summit,
with the theme Strengthening the Family for Sustainable Development – How
far could we go? It took this opportunity to make public its members’ frame
of reference: the Decalogue of Values[11], anchored in the three basic
premises, which unify the ultra-right, grouped around the PNfV (Political
Network for Values, 2020a).
Alongside the defence of “the family” as the “basic
unit of society”; of “life from conception”; and “freedom of conscience and
religion”, the Decalogue of Values affirmed marriage “between a man and
a woman” and the “primacy of parental authority over the state” with regard to
the education of children. (Political Network for Values, 2020a).
It adds to these “principles” the defence of another
set of “values,” which include the rejection of abortion and euthanasia – as
well as of cloning; genetic manipulation; destruction of human embryos; and
surrogacy, and what they call “relativism” of an essentially “ideological”
nature. According to the Decalogue of Values, this “tyranny of
relativism” is based on an ideology that “[...] extends the enumeration of false
and supposed new rights, which mean the suppression of duty, whether
towards the elderly, children, or unborn children” (Political Network for Values,
2020a, our emphasis).
It is worth highlighting that the premise supporting
the Decalogue of Values refers to the illegitimacy of multilateral
organisations in relation to nation states and the family, in terms of rights
and duties. The document is permeated by two strategies, which are not only present
in the initiatives of the Intolerance Network, but also in the neoconservative
offensive led by the New Right, in various countries including Brazil.
The first is about linking actions, simultaneously at
the local and global levels – or “glocal”- [12]
in the words of Lola Velarde (2020, not paginated). The second
is to use existing legal structures to justify initiatives and proposals that align
with their convictions, with a strong authoritarian content, and which promote
a continued process of de-democratisation, as highlighted by Ramirez (2020). To
this end, the occupation by conservative cadres, of national political spaces, in
different spheres and instances, and the proposal of new laws and policies are
encouraged. In Brazil, this materialised in the occupation of seats on various Councils
of rights; in addition to parliaments, legislatures, and the judiciaries in
other countries; and with different initiatives within these spaces.
In addition to hosting the ratification of the Decalogue
of Values, signed at the time by 32 countries led by the USA, Spain and
Hungary [13], the 1st Summit witnessed the meeting of over 200 political leaders
from 39 countries, and provided the opportunity for the Network to act together
in pursuit of its goals: raising awareness among decision-makers about the
essential role of the family; promoting “transatlantic networks” between
participants, both nationally and internationally, with a view to sharing “good
political practices” and establishing relationships of “continuous cooperation”
(Political Network for Values, 2020b; 2020c).
The Transatlantic Summits came to be held at longer
intervals, every two or three years, in a system of rotation of countries and
continents, sometimes at the United Nations and sometimes in the parliaments of
friendly governments.[14]
They became fundamental spaces for the coordination
and launch of offensives aimed at the system of international rights, with
special emphasis on removing any mention of what they call manufactured
rights; the majority linked, in these organisations’ documents, to sexual and
reproductive rights.[15]
It is noteworthy that Transatlantic Summits often
coincided with events sponsored by multilateral agencies, sometimes linked
directly to the UN system. At these in-person events, an initiative aimed at
training young leaders[16]
was also developed, through
a partnership with the US-based conservative organisation, Global
Responsibility.[17]
In addition to the
Transatlantic Summits, the Intolerance Network’s action strategy, during this period, involved the promotion of another
regular activity: the Transatlantic Dialogues.
Held remotely, online – between May 2020 and
December 2022[18]
–, the Transatlantic Dialogues enable the participation
of hundreds of political representatives, including from Brazil. Of note, in
addition to Minister Damares Alves and his Secretary for the Family, Ângela
Gandra, was the presence of parliamentarians affiliated with the Republican Party
and Liberal Party and lawyers linked to the right-wing Brazilian Conservative
Bar Association and the National Association of Evangelical Lawyers (Anajure).[19]
The topics covered indicate the interests of its affiliates.
Some symposiums deserve mention because of their relevance for understanding of
the rise of the New Right, and for the presence of representatives of the
Brazilian government.
The Transatlantic Dialogues had themes
including: A political response to gender ideology; Political advances in the protection
of human life: Two successful experiments; The domino effect: The local and global
impact of the repeal of Roe vs Wade; and Child (and women) protection policy in
light of the Trans agenda (Political Network for Values, 2021b; 2022; 2023).
Under Brazil’s
Bolsonaro Government, there were numerous initiatives implemented by various government
authorities; religious and/or political leaders; and in the judicial sphere,
which reveal the national impact of the guidelines and strategies promoted by
the Intolerance Network.
Over the course of four
years, Brazil has been in the news repeatedly for the regressive positions
taken by our representatives in the agencies that make up the UN system and
other multilateral bodies, such as the Organisation of American States (OAS),
especially those resulting from its adherence to pro-life and anti-gender
agendas.
Under a fundamentalist
and anti-science government, which waged an open war against the World Health
Organisation (WHO), the COVID-19 pandemic ravaged the Brazilian population, subjecting
Brazil to a tragically enormous loss of life (Chade, 2021a; 2021b; Teixeira,
2021a; Teixeira; Nunes; Oliveira, 2021).
Internally, actions in
the legislative sphere, at some lower levels of the judiciary and within Bolsonaro
ministries must be mentioned – in particular the ministries of Education; Women
and Family; and Health –, changes intended to alter legislation; establish new
milestones; and dismantle programmes and policies, in convergence with the
agenda and strategies presented by the PNfV.
Proposals to restrict
abortion, which is permitted by law; repeated attempts to approve the so-called
statute of the unborn child; crusades against gender ideology and
the promotion of the so-called gay cure; defunding and dismantling of
policies to combat and control the Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired
Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS), and to combat violence, are just some of
these initiatives which aimed to roll back the rights gained by women and
LGBTQIA+ people, imposing an ultraliberal heteropatriarchal and fundamentalist
perspective on rights, society, the state and life (Chade, 2021a; 2021b; Chad; Trevisan,
2021 ; Corrêa; Kalil, 2020; Teixeira, 2021a; Trevisan, 2020).
One might imagine these similarities to be a simple
convergence resulting from both bodies being on the New Right spectrum, but
examination of the material in the documentary research reveals dialogue and
Brazilian presence in the actions of the Intolerance Network, and the
Brazilian leaders linked to them, during the period of the Bolsonaro
government.
The Transatlantic Dialogues and Summits are
relevant to the analysis, because in them we see Brazil’s insertion internationally
and the importance achieved by its representatives in the construction of
agendas and strategies. The presence, at the Intolerance Network events,
of the National Secretary Ângela Gandra, from the Ministry of Family, Women and
Human Rights, led by Damares Alves, under the Bolsonaro government, is
illustrative of what took place.
Daughter of Ives Gandra Martins, a well-known jurist
from São Paulo, frequently associated with the ultra-Catholic Opus Dei, and a constant
presence, Ângela Gandra was the lead figure and main voice of the Bolsonaro
government at PNfV events.
Let us examine the Transatlantic Dialogues. The
first was held on March 12, 2021 (Political Network for Values, 2021c). Titled A
political response to gender ideology, the meeting was attended by the
National Secretary of the Family, whose statements, during the event, regarding
the actions of the Brazilian government in combating gender ideology,
had repercussions in Brazil and were reproduced. In an article signed by Chad
and Trevisan (2021), the secretary declared:
I
wanted to tell you that we are working hard on public policies against
gender ideology. From the first moment we removed all the booklets we had, in
which parents are prepared to help their children, from the age of two, to
choose their gender. From the very beginning, at the Ministry of Women,
Family and Human Rights, we removed all material that will not be
distributed (Political Network for Values, 2021c).
The second Transatlantic Dialogue, titled 10
Years of success in family policy: the case of Hungary, held on June 18,
2021, also featured Gandra, this time as one of the speakers,[20] alongside the Hungarian Balázs Molnár, former
undersecretary in the Orbán government. Speaking directly from São Paulo City
Hall, her presentation highlighted that it was the “first time that we have a
policy for families in Brazil,” as well as a Ministry of Families (Political
Network for Values, 2021a).
In her presentation, Gandra said that the Ministry “has
been inspired by the Hungarian experience,” where she had been able to accompany
Minister Novak as an observer. The secretary also emphasised the importance of
affirming the family as “the most important cell in society;” and that the
Brazilian government was working to ensure that the country “has strong
families” (Political Network for Values, 2021a, our emphasis).
The strategies revealed in the themes and debates
appear in the records of the Transatlantic Summits and Dialogues.
They also appear when analysing the actions and statements of Brazilian
politicians, members of the Bolsonaro administration and other organisations,
such as political parties and civil associations, society, and in the
coordinated actions of multilateral organisations.
Finally, one of the main
actions developed by the Intolerance Network together with associated entities, in its glocal action strategy, is
also guided by the Decalogue of Values and helps us understand the actions of the so-called bible bench and
other ultra-rightist groups, which supported the Bolsonaro government.
This involves transcontinental monitoring of the
position of its “values”, from a legislative point of view (see Map 1 below),
which indicates the legislative situation of eight themes, included in the Decalogue
of Values, namely: (1) abortion; (2) in vitro fertilization; (3)
surrogacy; (4) euthanasia; (5) homo-parental adoption; (6) gender ideology; (7)
freedom of conscience; and (8) religion; it classifies countries according to
“legislation favourable to PNfV principles”; “partially negative regulation”;
and “completely negative” (green, red and yellow, respectively). The discussion
relating to this took place at one of the Transatlantic Dialogues, under
the title Overview of values and freedoms in the inter-American human rights system
[21], which took place on July 18, 2020 (Political Network for Values,
2020a).
The significance of the Legislative Map for monitoring
the values for the PNfV, based on everything discussed here, is evident,
although the version available noted that it was a “test version.” The
strategic nature of the material and this action is clear, more so given the
fact that, from all eighteen events, the only video that is no longer
available on the PNfV channel is, curiously, that of this Transatlantic
Dialogue. Due to other experiences with data being removed, the map was printed
off in April 2021, when it was still available on YouTube. Graphic quality can
not be guaranteed, but it remains as a record (Political Network for Values,
2021d).
Map
1 - The Legislative position of topics
covered in the Decalogue of Values
%20Inglês_arquivos/image006.jpg)
Source: Political Network for Values (2021).
CONCLUSION
Together with the reflections raised by the
bibliography, the documentary analysis made it possible to contextualise the
emergence of the PNfV; get to know the protagonists; the agenda; the allied
networks; and their forms of action. The analysis unveiled the central dimensions
of the organisation of the neoconservative offensive – that is, the
transnational actions of the New Right. It also allowed us to observe the
insertion of Brazil, under the Bolsonaro government, and the incorporation of
its agenda within the country, in which the family and familism constitute a
central pillar (Political Network for Values, 2020a; 2020b; 2020c; 2020d;
2021d; 2022 ; 2023a; Teixeira; Nunes; Oliveira, 2021).
Furthermore, and no less important, it is worth highlighting
that the extensive material available, as well as the centrality of the
Internet and digital platforms as a tool for the PNfV in conducting its
activities, amply facilitated the research that formed the basis of this text.
They reveal the dynamics and strategies that characterise the New Right and
capitalism currently, and which have as one of their pillars, the technological
revolution, the use of the Internet, and digital communication (Galego, 2018;
Ramirez, 2020).
Finally,
the strategies adopted under the Bolsonaro government reveal the intense
process of dialogue and agreements established between the PNfV and politicians
identified with the extreme right, from all continents. We have demonstrated
that these international links guide the “Brazuca” New Right in the building of
strategies and the organisation of actions, whether at the executive, legislative,
or societal level.
A
fundamental element, common to different national contexts, is the association
between the traditional agendas of the ultraconservatives and the guidelines of
the ultraliberal model. This boosted the process of democratic erosion in
Brazil under Bolsonaro, affecting the country’s political dynamics. The results
are already being noticed throughout the world where the New Right has come to
power. As we have observed, their effects have persisted in Brazil, even after
Bolsonaro’s departure.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ALMEIDA, Sílvio Luís.
Neoconservadorismo e liberalismo. In: GALLEGO, Esther Solano (org.). O ódio
como política:
a reinvenção das direitas no Brasil. Kindle edition,
2020. (Coleção Tinta Vermelha).
CHADE,
Jamil.
Governo Bolsonaro afirma que ampliará agenda ultraconservadora pelo mundo. UOL, Colunas – Jamil Chade,
[S.l.], 21 abr. 2021a. Available at:
https://noticias.uol.com.br/colunas/jamil-chade/2021/04/21/governo-bolsonaro-afirma-que-ampliara-agenda-ultraconservadora-pelo-mundo.htm.
Accessed on: 24 Oct. 2021.
CHADE, Jamil. País faz
diplomacia paralela com extrema-direita, Opus Dei e negacionistas. UOL, Colunas – Jamil Chade, [S.l.], 29 Sept. 2021b. Available at:
https://noticias.uol.com.br/colunas/jamil-chade/2021/09/29/diplomacia-paralela-do-brasil-mira-extrema-direita-opus-e-negacionistas.htm.
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________________________________________________________________________________________________
Marlene Teixeira RODRIGUES
Has a Doctorate in Sociology (2003) and a Master’s
degree in Social Policy (1995) from the University of Brasília, and a degree in
Social Work from the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (1986). She is a
professor and researcher on the Postgraduate Programme in Social Policy at the
University of Brasília, where she also works as a researcher at the Centre for
Studies and Research on Women (NEPEM/UnB), and is coordinator of the Study
Group on Gender, Social Policy, and Social Services (GENPOSS/UnB).
________________________________________________________________________________________________
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