http://10.47456/argumentum.v17.2025.42766
Contributos foucaultianos sobre racismo: aproximações entre soldados
Indígenas estadunidenses e brasileiros
Nádia
Xavier MOREIRA
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7533-4636
Escola
Superior de Defesa, courses in Higher Studies in
Defence
Coordination and Interagency Planning, Brasília, DF, Brazil
e-mail: nadia.moreira@defesa.gov.br
Cláudia Pinheiro NASCIMENTO
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4317-9269
Universidade
Católica de Brasília, Undergraduate
academic Coordination, Brasília, DF,
Brazil
e-mail: claudia.pinheiro@p.ucb.br
Viviane Machado CAMINHA
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1118-8614
Escola Superior de Defesa, courses in Higher Studies
in
Defence
Coordination and Interagency Planning,
Brasília, DF, Brazil
e-mail:
viviane.caminha@defesa.gov.br
Abstract: This paper reflects, from a Foucauldian perspective on
racism, on the participation of Indigenous individuals as military professionals
in the Armed Forces of the United States and Brazil. It is a qualitative study
based on bibliographic and documentary analysis, complemented by data
collection from websites (e.g. YouTube) and institutional videos using the key
term Indigenous soldiers. The primary finding is the presence of
biological racism, either through the stereotypical expectation of Indigenous
individuals as natural warriors or through the simplistic perception of
their contribution as mere exchange of knowledge. These practices reinforce
class distinctions, characterised by differences in rank and compensation
received for their service.
Keywords: Indigenous Soldiers. Foucault. Racism. United States
of America. Brazil.
Resumo: Este
artigo tem como objetivo empreender
um esforço reflexivo acerca da participação de indígenas nas Forças Armadas
(FA) estadunidense e brasileira, na qualidade de profissional militar, a partir
da perceptiva foucaultiana
sobre o racismo. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa, com base em análise
bibliográfica e documental, além de coleta de dados e informações em sites
(YouTube) e vídeos institucionais, com o termo indutor soldados Indígenas.
Como resultado destacou-se o racismo biológico, seja na expectativa do
estereótipo de guerreiros naturais ou na ideia do compartilhamento de saberes
do efetivo indígena, reduzido a perspectiva da troca de conhecimento,
estabelecendo uma maior distinção de classes, caracterizada pela diferença de
patentes e valores recebidos pelo ofício.
Palavras-chave: Soldados
Indígenas. Foucault. Racismo. Estados Unidos. Brasil.
Introduction
|
D |
rawing on Foucault's theoretical contributions on racism,
this paper examines the participation of Indigenous peoples as military
professionals in the U.S. and Brazilian Armed Forces, aiming to identify
parallels between them. The dialogue with Foucauldian contributions is powerful
when considering racism as a device, an element of governance by the
State in relation to Indigenous peoples, specifically those within this
population who serve in the U.S. and Brazilian Armed Forces.
Building on stereotypical images that associate
Indigenous peoples as innate warriors and considering the implications of such
stereotypes in social practices and the means by which
Indigenous individuals have accessed military service, this study explores the
potential for analysing the participation of Indigenous peoples in the United
States and Brazilian Armed Forces employing Foucault’s theoretical
contributions on racism. For Foucault (2019, p. 304), “[…] racism is the means
by which to introduce, in the domain of life over which power presides, a break
between what must live and what must die”. He emphasises that “taking life” is
not restricted to direct killing but extends to political death, exclusion, or
rejection (Foucault, 2019, p. 306). Given this, we believe that his perspective
provides a fertile avenue for reflecting on this issue. Within this framework,
war is not simply armed
conflict, but an extension of political power permeating all aspects of social
life. The analysis of biopower provides a deep understanding of how the state
uses and controls different populations to serve its interests. In the case of
Indigenous soldiers, we see a clear example of how biopower operates through a
double process of co-optation and discardability.
This understanding is crucial for questioning and challenging the subtle and
explicit forms of control and marginalisation that continue to exist in our
contemporary societies.
It is understood that the warrior stereotype and the
search for better living conditions and citizenship itself are present in the
recruitment and engagement of Indigenous peoples not only in the U.S. military,
but in other social realities, such as Brazil, which constitutes a fruitful
analytical possibility for questioning racism as a technology of power at work
in the relationship between the military and Indigenous peoples.
This study
employs a qualitative methodology. Data collection consisted of bibliographic
and documentary research supplemented by information obtained from
institutional websites and official Brazilian Army videos. Broadcasted reports
retrieved from YouTube using the search term Indigenous soldiers were also
analysed.
North American Indigenous peoples and
the Armed Forces
The
involvement of Native Americans in military campaigns dates to the American
Revolution (1775-1783). Since then, they have been present in every war of the
nation, even though the majority were only recognised as citizens after World
War I (1914-1918). Native Americans were among the first combat units to arrive
in France in 1917 and fought in all major battles until the end of the war. It
is estimated that up to a quarter of adult Native American men served in World
War I (Harris; Hirsch, 2020).
During
World War II, after the attack on Pearl Harbor, about 44,000 Indigenous people,
including 800 women, volunteered to serve, from an estimated Native American
population of 400,000. According to estimates from the studies of Harris and
Hirsch (2020), Bartgis (2021), and Viola (2022), 1.4% of all troops in the
Vietnam War (1955-1975) were Indigenous, at a time they represented 0.6% of the
population of the United States of America (USA).
Despite a
history marked by broken treaties, cultural repression, and discrimination,
Indigenous peoples continue to serve in the U.S. Armed Forces at rates
significantly exceeding their proportion in the general U.S. population (2.9%).
They currently enlist at higher rates than any other demographic group. Since
September 11, nearly 19% of Native Americans have served in the Armed Forces
compared to an average of 14% from other social segments (Harris; Hirsch, 2020;
Viola, 2022). Data from 2021 indicates that approximately 15,000 active service
members identify as American Indian or Alaskan Native (Nalewicki,
2021).
It is
important to note that casualty rates for Indigenous soldiers in U.S. exceeded
that of American soldiers overall. During World War I, about 5% of native
soldiers were killed compared to 1% of the rest of the entire American
Expeditionary Force, which suffered a total of 50,280 deaths and 95,786
wounded. Some ethnic groups experienced even higher losses; approximately 14%
of Pawnee soldiers died in combat, while various Sioux groups had an average
casualty rate of 10% (Viola, 2022).
In this
respect, the image of Indigenous peoples as natural warriors constitutes a
stereotype fuelling the idea that they would be super soldiers. Such a stereotype
led many officers to send Indigenous soldiers to the front lines or assign them
to more dangerous duties[1] and missions, exposing them to a higher risk of
death. Consequently, they suffered more casualties than their white comrades in
combat. As remarkable as these records are, they were and continue to be
largely neglected and overlooked by most of the American people (Harris;
Hirsch, 2020).
Indigenous
soldiers in the Brazilian Army
The involvement of Indigenous peoples in the Brazilian Army dates to the
Paraguayan War (1864-1870). Records indicate that they served as informants to
Brazilian authorities, as rowers of river transport vessels, and labourers in
the construction of forts in the region. Although they were important in these
roles, many of them returned from the war without the prestige they deserved
for their combat achievements. Consequently, they were left on the margins of
society, forgotten by national memory and historiography (Almeida, 2005; Cunha,
1992).
During World War II, Indigenous peoples also
took an active part in the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB). They were
recruited either as reservists –individuals who had already completed military
service – or as volunteers, many of whom had no prior military training or
experience (Revista Verde-Oliva, 2015).
Most Brazilian
Indigenous soldiers are currently serving in Special Border Platoons (SBP),
primarily located in the Northern region of the country. In total, there are 23
SBPs scattered along the Northern border of Brazil, positioned at strategic
points along each entry route to the country (Arantes de Moraes, 2021). Their
purpose is to maintain the Brazilian State’s strategic presence, ensure
sovereignty, protect national assets, and uphold the country’s territorial
integrity (Brasil, 2020).
The performance of Indigenous soldiers in
fulfilling the SBP’s mission, particularly because of their expertise in jungle
survival, is highlighted by the Brazilian Army as a key reason for
incorporating them into its ranks. Indigenous peoples possess extensive
knowledge of regional foods and river courses, enabling them, as military
personnel, to serve effectively as guides and trackers. The official narrative
of the Army emphasises the importance of learning from the natives to
effectively combat potential foreign invaders.
Racism as a technology of power in Foucault
During a lecture delivered on
March 17, 1976, for the course “Society Must Be Defended,” Foucault provides an
enlightening elaboration on what he calls “racism” and its function within the
exercise of modern powers. In this lecture, he raised a simple yet profound
question: How can a form of power whose primary and ultimate object and goal is
life – the maintenance of the populations’ lives, their growth, optimisation,
and multiplication of opportunities – manifest itself through killing, calling
for death, exposing not only its enemies but also its own citizens to death?
Foucault propounds that the answer lies in racism.
According to Foucault (1988),
the era of biopower was established in modern times, under which, among other
things, it studies and controls, “[...] the birth rate, longevity, public
health, housing, migration […]” (Foucault, 1988, p. 131) of a region or a country. Techniques
were also developed “[...] to achieve the subjection of bodies and the control of populations” (Foucault,
1988, p. 131). Biopower has become one of the most useful tools available for
advancing capitalism, as it ensures “[...] controlled insertion of bodies into
the apparatus of production and adjusts population phenomena to economic
processes” (Foucault, 1988, p. 132).
From this perspective, the
modern state barely functions without resorting to racism, and there is no
state “[…] which, at a certain moment, at a certain limit and under certain
conditions, does not pass through racism” (Foucault, 2019, p. 304). What
Foucault understands by racism is a central device of current political power,
particularly in the West, shaping governmental strategies and creating the conditions
for governance to be possible. There is a profound link between the modern
state, biopower and racism, the latter being a means, part of a device designed
to make the population governable, which is done through separation: “Cutting between
what must live and what must die” (Foucault, 2019, p. 304).
Foucault suggests that modern power, biopower, much like
the power Machiavelli postulated for absolute monarchy, divides to govern, imposing
this division on its own terms. In this sense, the primary function of racism
is “[…] to fragment, to censor within this biological continuum, at which
biopower is directed” (Foucault, 2019, p. 305). Fragmentation is thus a political
act of the state. Beyond the repetition in the difference of this gesture, what
must be seen is its inherent relationship to death. The division that Foucault
describes points towards death and includes this dimension in the calculations
underlying the governance of the living.
Expanding on
this discussion, Foucault highlights the second function of racism, which aims
to establish a positive relationship of the type: the more you make people die,
or the more you let them die, the more you will live. He points out that
neither the modern state nor racism invented this logic. Rather, what the
racism of the modern state redistributes under its own conditions is simply “[…]
the warlike relationship: […]” “In order to live, you must massacre your
enemies” (Foucault, 2019, p. 305).
Foucault insists, however, that what must be examined is
how modern and contemporary racism makes this maxim work in an entirely new way, by
integrating it into the codes
and calculations of biopolitics. The relationship with the enemy is no longer
openly warlike or military but fundamentally biological. It is no longer about
achieving great victories on the battlefield, but about quotas, exclusion, and the
elimination of inferior species: “[…] the death of the bad race, the inferior
race (or the degenerate, or the abnormal), is what will make life in general
healthier; healthier and purer” (Foucault, 2019, p. 305).
Indeed, at the core of modern racism lies a desire, the
goal of death. Thus, inscribed within the ambit of racist discourses and
mechanisms is the death of the other
produced by this fragmentation.
From this perspective, contemporary racism functions as a
device – a technology of power employed by the modern state. It is not limited
to conflicts between countries but is actively embedded within the dynamics of
Western societies, mobilising state institutions and policies, and activating
knowledge and practices aligned with its objectives.
It could be argued that the current forms of racism in
Western democracies do not openly advocate for the death of the undesirable
other, nor explicitly for their exclusion from humanity. It is precisely for
this reason that an analysis of the active devices and the gestures embedded within
the strategies and practices becomes fundamental.
In this sense, even a brief review of such participation
enables us to identify racism, following Foucault’s conceptualisation, as a
device of power that is central to state governance, particularly regarding
Indigenous peoples in the United States and the context of military service in
Brazil.
Examining
racism in the participation of Indigenous peoples in the U.S. military
Why have American Indians served so steadfastly and in such great
numbers – at times at a higher proportional rate than any other group in
American society? […] Why have Native people fought for a country that broke
nearly every promise it ever made to tribal nations? (Harris; Hirsch,
2020, p. 1).
These questions are
the starting point taken by Alexandra Harris and Mark Hirsch, authors of “Why
we serve: Native Americans in the United States Armed Forces […]” (Harris; Hirsch, 2020), to explore, through
testimonies from Indigenous peoples and documentary analysis, the reasons that
led and still motivate a significant number of them to enlist in the United
States Armed Forces.
Contrary to
reductionist and stereotypical view held by society and even the military itself,
the research presented in the book demonstrates that Native American military
service has historically been – and continues to be – driven by factors that go
beyond and in opposition to perspectives that associate Indigenous peoples with
great natural warriors. According to the authors, although some among the
country’s 574 Indigenous ethnic groups that identify with combat, each one has
its own culture, traditions, belief systems and positions on war.
The definitions of warrior, as well as the reasons for serving, are as diverse as
their ethnic origins. This fact is also well showcased in the documentary The
warrior tradition (2021) which, through testimonies of Indigenous veterans,
discusses the motivations for their participation in the Armed Forces. About this Means, member of the Ogala Sioux
Tribe and Marine Corps veteran, sheded light on this issue:
A warrior has always been someone
who fights for their Native nation. For the most part, that was
militaristically. But now that has expanded to fighting for your native nation
in any context: legally, socially, culturally, politically. Women are taking a
tremendously active position in today’s battles because it’s no longer just
about military prowess. It’s about intellectual prowess. It’s about cultural
prowess. It’s wonderful to see so many native people from all walks of life
fighting for their rights and sovereignty (Means,
2019, not paginate).
It is also important to note from the testimonies in the
documentary that the Armed Forces still uses the image of the warrior at
recruiting stations located near the country’s Indigenous reserves, mobilising
young Indigenous peoples to commit to military service. It is worth mentioning
that, as in other segments of society, military service is also seen as an honourable
family tradition for some ethnic groups. This is suggested by the testimony of
D. J. Vanas, a Navajo war veteran who served in the Marine Corps during World
War II:
Family heritage was one of the things I was imbued with growing up with
stories and firsthand experiences of relatives, including my dad, who served 21
years in the Air Force. We had relatives who served dating back to World War I.
It not only seemed like a comfortable path to follow, because there’s so much
familiarity, but it’s almost an expectation just because it was a common family
theme (Vanas, 2019, not
paginate).
It is worth highlighting from MacDonald's testimony that
the Navajo are widely recognised among Native American ethnic groups for their
unique contribution to World War II. During the conflict, the U.S. Marine Corps
recruited 29 Navajo men to create an unbreakable code based on the Navajo
language – recognised not only for its complexity but also because it existed
solely in spoken form, with no written counterpart at the time. The use of such
a language in the conflict made it possible to send and receive critical
information via radio without risk of enemy interception or decipherment. The
code, which assigned specific Navajo words to various military terms and
commands, led to the successful victory of the Marines during the Battle of Iwo
Jima, resulting in Japan’s defeat.
It is also noteworthy that throughout American history,
in an effort to erase the culture of these people, many Indigenous individuals
were forced to attend strict boarding schools as an outcome of legislation
passed in 1819 (the Civilization Fund Act), which allowed benevolent societies, such as
the Catholic Church, to establish schools on Indigenous reservations in an effort to civilise the students by teaching them to read and
write in English and to practice Christianity. This practice also included
policies such as changing the names of native students to American ones and
punishing those who spoke their native languages or practiced their religious
beliefs (Pember, 2019).
Considering
this debate, Bartgis’ (2021) study, which discusses the motivations behind the
decision of students of Carlisle Indian School to
fight in World War I, points out that they entered combat not merely to defend
their homeland but mainly to escape mistreatment at the institution and to
obtain the desired U.S citizenship.
Founded in
1879 and closed in 1918, the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle,
Pennsylvania, was a boarding school funded by the U.S. federal government
specifically for Native American students. Operating under the disciplinary
motto kill the Indian, save the man, the school implemented policies
such as changing the students’ native names to American ones and imposing
punishments for those who spoke their native languages or practiced traditional
religious beliefs. When World War I broke out, students at the school were
encouraged to join the Red Cross, military industries, and the armed forces.
Such encouragement, combined with the conditions under which they lived at the
school and the pursuit of citizenship, contributed to 90% of Carlisle’s male
student population volunteering for the war effort (Bartgis, 2021).
In fact,
until the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act[2] in 1924, the U.S. government leveraged the
existence of separate tribal nations on reservation lands as justification for
denying many Native Americans the benefits and protections of citizenship.
After returning from the war, numerous Native Americans lobbied the federal
government seeking reward for their loyalty and service at the front. The
Indian Citizenship Act granted citizenship to approximately 125,000 of the
300,000 Indians who had not previously been classified as such (Bartgis, 2021).
When examining Indigenous motivations for military
service, it is also important to acknowledge that, like many non-Indigenous youth, many Native
Americans enlist to learn a trade, access education, explore new horizons in
life, experience adventures, or in many cases, escape from a life of extreme
poverty: “Because Native Americans have been forced into this horrible economic
and cultural position on reservations, the U.S. and the military exploit that
by providing the military as an option out of poverty and hopelessness” (Viola,
2022, p. 56). This was the case of Jeff Means, a member of the Ogala Sioux ethnic group and a Marine Corps veteran
My reasons were financial. I had been kicking around since high school
doing really a whole lot of nothing. I went to a little strip mall where all
four branches had recruiting offices. The Air Force wouldn’t take me, then the
Army turned me down. I got in my truck and left, but came back when I realized
I hadn’t checked out the Marine Corps. I stuck my head into the office and
there was this gunnery sergeant. He was like 6-foot-6 and 240 pounds of muscle.
I said, ‘Hey, I already tried with the Air Force and Army. Should I even bother
coming in?’ This gunny walks over, takes me around the shoulders and says,
‘Son, let’s see what the Marine Corps can do for you’ (Means, 2019, not paginate).
Regardless, this brief overview of
Indigenous participation in U.S. military service enables us to identify racism
– aligned with broader discursive practices –, specifically biological racism,
as a power mechanism for mobilising Native American engagement in the ranks of
the Armed Forces.
Since racism, within multiple
practices of governance, is not just the belief in a superior lineage or
prejudice against different ethnic groups, but rather a set of practices and
techniques for governing oneself and others. It is historically rooted, firstly
in discourses around racial struggles, and subsequently in biological racism. When
analysing Indigenous participation in military service under varied situations
and circumstances, it becomes evident that the discursive framework of race,
along with its distinctions and hierarchies, remains operative. This discourse
is rooted in either the naturalisation and exaltation of the warrior figure or
through regulations, restrictions, and motivations for access to military
service.
Under these conditions, we observe
that racism acted to prohibit or exclude Native Americans from military
service, particularly prior to the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act in
1924. Until that point, the U.S. government would not officially recognise
Native Americans as citizens and, therefore, they were generally not recruited
for military campaigns. Nonetheless, they were exalted as a warrior race, often
exposed to the greatest risks, and sacrificed on the battlefield so that others
might survive. They were frequently assigned the most dangerous duties and
missions, and approximately 5% of Native combatants died during World War I,
compared to 1% of American soldiers overall (Ault, 2020).
Alexandra Haris statement in an
interview for the Smithsonian Magazine (Ault,
2020) is a
good illustration of this process:
Native peoples as a whole
have been stereotyped throughout history […] They are typically viewed
as having innate warrior skills. ‘It seems on the surface that this would be a
positive stereotype — something that wouldn’t necessarily be harmful.’ But the
idea that Native people have some inborn talent at tracking, scouting, martial
skills emerges as the military placing them in the
most dangerous roles (Autl, 2020, non
paginate [Alexandra Haris, interviewed]).
Under this guise, the same discourse continues to operate.
Foucault teaches in the second function of racism: “[…] the more you let die,
the more you will live” (Foucault, 2019, p. 305). Particularly striking in this
evocation of the warrior figure is how biological racism – somewhat discredited
by Europe’s experiences in the twentieth century – is now mobilised and
transformed into praise.
Examining racism in the participation of
Indigenous peoples in the Brazilian Army
Historiographical data shows that during interstate military conflicts
in Brazil, Indigenous peoples were assigned military
roles consistent with their subordinate status. This clearly illustrates the
first characteristic of racism presented by Foucault, as a biological continuum
whose modus operandi is to hold back some groups in relation to others.
In a video titled Indians use army rifles and teach soldiers how to
survive in the jungle,[3] Indigenous army soldiers are portrayed as more than mere recruits –
they serve as instructors, sharing vital knowledge about extracting the
necessary resources for survival in jungle combat. According to one colonel
interviewed, “[…] in the jungle, they are more adept and better adapted” [...]
“Applying these techniques to jungle life is not an easy task, and through this
knowledge the Army fulfils its role of training effective warriors, whether
Indigenous or not” (Índios..., 2014, 3:17min. - 3:32min, free translation).
The testimonies of two sergeants, featured in a video titled Indian
Soldier[4], who served as
jungle instructors, reinforce this perception: “We learn from them camouflage
techniques, how to track footprints of small and large animals, as well as
humans […],” and “This is essential for us to survive and remain operational in
the jungle by learning what we can and cannot eat [...] and they clearly show
us what we should avoid” (Soldado Índio, 2014, 4:30mim.
– 5:05min., free translation).
Unlike in the North American Armed Forces, racism in Brazil, leading to
the stratification of groups according to their importance, is presented in the
form of a discourse of knowledge sharing. According to Widlok
(2017), this regime is based on the receiver’s demand for sharing, whether it
is explicit or not. People share what others value and what is valuable to
them: “What I teach is what I've known since I was a child, […]” (Soldado Índio, 2014, 5:17mim. – 5:22min., free translation) says an
Indigenous soldier in the video. The sharing system is also a way to
foster relationships, as it makes the involved parties more aware of their
mutual dependence.
These aspects are also present in the video titled Op Ágata 4 - Indigenous soldiers patrol Brazil’s triple border
(2012),[5] which highlights activities of the 4th Border Platoon in Cucui, Amazonas State, responsible for safeguarding
national sovereignty along the border region shared by Brazil, Colombia, and
Venezuela. In this video, an Indigenous soldier named Alzimiro,
from the Baré ethnic group and stationed at the unit, is interviewed, stating:
I contribute here through my knowledge of the local communities and
language, because most people living downstream speak only Baré, and those
coming from Manaus do not know the language [...] Besides teaching, I also
learn many new things that I never expected to learn, and it makes me feel even
more Brazilian (Op Ágata 4, 2012,
0:57min. – 1:24min., free translation).
The soldier’s statement provides a
glimpse into the relationship of exchange mediated by the gift-giving
system between Indigenous peoples and the Brazilian Army. This is because, within such a system, the
exchange involves not only material goods and services but, above all, symbolic
transactions aimed at building social ties. An alliance in which the parties
are mutually dependent and interconnected, albeit asymmetrically (Gregory,
1982). It is understood that by joining the Brazilian Army, Indigenous soldiers
receive, in return, recognition of their inclusion as citizens within the
nation. This perspective is clearly expressed by the officers featured in the analysed
videos: “The Indigenous soldier is very proud to serve in the Army, to feel
Brazilian, […]” (Índios…, 2014, 3:33min. – 3:35min.,
free translation) and “[…] the Indigenous person here effectively feels like a
Brazilian citizen” (Índios…, 2014, 3:23min. –
3:33min., free translation).
However, the prestige described by these
officers does not translate into the ranks held by Indigenous peoples, who
rarely advance beyond the rank of Private, never reaching higher positions.
According to a BBC Brazil report titled Prestige and Money Attract Indians
to a Military Career (Kawaguti, 2012) the primary
motivations drawing Indigenous peoples into military careers are economic
stability and community prestige. The report notes that, in cities where Border
Platoon are located, military service is a good source of significant economic
benefits and enhanced social status within their communities. This situation reveals two interacting
regimes: a market-oriented logic that transforms Indigenous labour into a
commodity, and a gift-giving system that governs exchange relationships between
Indigenous peoples and the Brazilian Army.
When it comes to Indigenous labour as a
commodity, it is worth noting that in 2020, the salary for a soldier was R$
1,078.00. With the addition of a special location bonus of 20%, this amount
increased to R$ 1,293.60. It should be emphasised that this salary applied
specifically to mandatory military service. If soldiers volunteered to remain
in the Brazilian Army (EB) and were accepted as engaged soldiers, they could
continue serving for another seven years. In this case, their base salary would
be R$ 1,765.00, and with the special location bonus included, their monthly
remuneration would rise to R$ 2,118.00. This salary exceeds the average income
typically earned by young people in the border cities where Army Recruitment Centres
are located.
Final Remarks
Drawing on Foucault’s contributions,
particularly his insights into racism, and utilising academic output, websites,
and documentaries addressing the participation of Indigenous peoples in
military service in the United States and Brazil, this study analytically
explored Foucault’s influential formulations on the topic. In doing so, we seek
a deeper understanding of Indigenous peoples’ engagement in the Armed Forces.
Inspired by Foucault’s developments, we argue
that biological racism is at the heart of this participation, mobilising the
engagement of Indigenous peoples in the Armed Forces either to fulfil
stereotypical expectations associated with the figure of the natural
warrior, or to seek a sense
of belonging to the nation in the face of historical exclusion and/or
curtailment of their citizenship rights. It also prompts individuals to join to
escape mistreatment and the cultural erasure experienced in boarding schools,
or to flee from extreme poverty on reservations resulting from the seizure of
their lands and the state’s failure to improve their living conditions.
We understand that in all these situations,
the racial discourse operates, producing the effects of distinction, hierarchy,
and fragmentation (as Foucault would say) within this population group. We
believe that this fragmentation has created conditions for the governmentalisation
of this group within military service, producing the kind of division or cutting-off
discussed by Foucault – a cutting-off that points
toward death, and which, in the specific case of Indigenous soldiers, becomes
urgent from the moment they are recruited. Fragmentation thus emerges as an important
political gesture, one that reveals the state’s intimate connection with
biological racism.
We further argue that
Foucault’s analytical key make live and let
die is useful for understanding the employment of Indigenous soldiers by
the Armed Forces, revealing a dual process of co-optation and discardability. The recruitment of Indigenous soldiers can
be interpreted, on the one hand, as an attempt to integrate these marginalised
populations into the dominant social and economic structure by providing
opportunities for social mobility and access to resources, such as earning a
stable income. On the other, this integration also represents a form of
biopolitical control: by incorporating Indigenous peoples into the Armed Forces,
the state not only exploits their skills and traditional knowledge but
simultaneously exercises control over their lives, disciplining their bodies
and minds to serve specific military and national interests.
The Foucauldian
analytical key of biopower also reveals the process of discardability
to which Indigenous soldiers may be subjected. Often, as pointed out in this
work, after military service, these individuals face marginalisation, lack of
support and recognition, and are discarded by society. This let die is
identified in the abandonment of many Indigenous peoples after they have served
the state’s purposes in situations of war.
However, it should be borne in mind that “[…]
where there is power there is resistance, and yet (or rather, for this very
reason) this resistance is never found in a position of exteriority in the
power relationship […]” (Foucault, 1988, p. 91) and, in this sense, the
Indigenous peoples react and seek to re-signify the figure of the warrior and
his access to and permanence in military service.
In the case of the United States, although the
federal government banned Native traditions as part of its assimilationist
policies, military service provided Native peoples with spaces – sometimes
secretly, sometimes openly – to revive some of these practices. The significant
number of Natives serving during World War II, for example, led to a resurgence
of traditional practices, including protection ceremonies, prayer vigils, and
the use of traditional medicines in battle. Notably, the Lakota of the Standing
Rock Reservation performed their first Sun Dance in 52 years, praying for the
defeat of German and Japanese forces and the safe return of approximately 2,000
of their soldiers. Additionally, research suggests that Native veterans of the
Vietnam War may have better managed anger, depression and post-traumatic stress
due to their engagement with traditional war rituals and healing ceremonies
(Viola, 2022; Harris; Hirsch, 2020).
In the case of Brazil, the redefinition of the
warrior figure and access to the army is expressed through the sharing of
Indigenous knowledge within its ranks, providing the military with essential survival
skills in challenging regions, such as the Amazon, which are characterised by
extensive borders and extreme logistical difficulties. Consequently, this
knowledge becomes crucial for the military’s survival and effective operation
in this environment.
For Indigenous peoples, affiliation with the
Armed Forces can offer social mobility through regular wages, foster a feeling
of inclusion within the Brazilian nation, and confer status and distinction
within their own communities as military professionals.
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Nádia Xavier MOREIRA Contributed to the conceptualisation,
design, and data analysis. Participated in the writing, critical review, and
approval of the final version for publication.
Holds
a PhD from the Graduate Programme in Social Work at the Federal University of
Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). Permanent faculty member of the Graduate Programme in
Security, Development, and Defence (PPGSDD) at the Brazilian Defence College
(ESD).
Cláudia Pinheiro NASCIMENTO Contributed to the conceptualisation,
design, and data analysis. Participated in the writing and critical review.
Holds
a PhD from the Graduate Programme in Sustainable Development of the Humid
Tropics – Centre for Advanced Amazonian Studies, Federal University of Pará
(UFPA). Advisor to the Undergraduate Academic Coordination at the Catholic
University of Brasília (UCB).
Viviane Machado CAMINHA Contributed to the conceptualisation,
design, and data analysis. Participated in the writing, critical review, and
approval of the final version for publication.
Holds
a PhD from the Graduate Programme in History of Sciences, Techniques, and
Epistemology at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). Associate
Professor at the Brazilian Defence College (ESD) and permanent faculty member
of the Graduate Programme in Security, Development, and Defence (PPGSDD) at the
Brazilian Defence College (ESD).
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Editors responsible
Ana Targina Rodrigues Ferraz – Chief Editor
Maria Lúcia Teixeira Garcia –Editor
Submitted on: 27/10/2023. Revised on: 2/12/2024. Accepted on: 18/3/2025.
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